JFK Investigation · Report 01 of 15
Section 1 — JFK Assassination Investigation

The Warren Commission

Here's What They Told You
Report 01 of 15  •  Wave 1.1  •  Compiled 2026-04-05

1. Creation of the Commission

At 12:30 p.m. on November 22, 1963, President John F. Kennedy was assassinated in Dealey Plaza, Dallas, Texas. Two days later, the prime suspect — Lee Harvey Oswald — was shot and killed on live television by nightclub owner Jack Ruby in the basement of the Dallas Police headquarters. FACT

With no trial possible and the Dallas authorities discredited, President Lyndon B. Johnson faced an unprecedented crisis of legitimacy. Johnson, himself a Texan, needed an investigation that would command public confidence both domestically and internationally — at the height of Cold War tensions when rumors of Soviet or Cuban involvement could trigger catastrophic escalation.

Executive Order 11130

On November 29, 1963, Johnson signed Executive Order 11130, establishing the President's Commission on the Assassination of President Kennedy. Congress simultaneously passed Senate Joint Resolution 137[2][5], granting the Commission subpoena power and authorizing it to compel testimony. FACT

Why Warren?

Chief Justice Earl Warren initially refused the appointment, citing the constitutional principle of separation of powers[6][4] — a sitting member of the judiciary should not serve the executive branch. Johnson personally summoned Warren to the Oval Office and deployed what would become one of the most consequential persuasion campaigns of his presidency.

Johnson told Warren that rumors of foreign involvement in the assassination could lead to nuclear war[6][4] — that 40 million Americans could die if the investigation was mishandled. Warren, reportedly in tears, agreed to serve. — Multiple historical accounts of the Johnson-Warren meeting

The panel Johnson assembled was a careful political balancing act: Warren, the towering liberal, was offset by conservative Georgia Senator Richard B. Russell. Republicans and Democrats, the Senate and the House, intelligence insiders and outsiders — each appointment served a political function. STRONG EVIDENCE

2. The Commissioners

The seven men appointed to determine the truth[1][5] about the assassination of a president each brought significant credentials — and, in several cases, significant conflicts of interest.

Earl Warren
Chairman — Chief Justice of the United States
14th Chief Justice, architect of Brown v. Board of Education. Former Governor of California. Towering figure among liberals. Reluctant appointee who feared violating separation of powers.
Conflict: Dual role as sitting Chief Justice and executive investigator. Controlled access to evidence, blocked autopsy photo review, limited witness interviews.
Allen W. Dulles
Former Director, Central Intelligence Agency
CIA Director 1953-1961. Oversaw coups in Iran and Guatemala. Fired by Kennedy after the Bay of Pigs fiasco in 1961[7][8]. Described the Bay of Pigs as "the worst day of my life."
MAJOR CONFLICT: The fired CIA director was placed on the commission investigating an assassination in which CIA involvement was a central question. Coached the Commission on how to interview CIA witnesses. Stated that intelligence directors "might lie to anyone except the President."
Gerald R. Ford
U.S. Representative (R-Michigan)
House Minority Leader. Future 38th President of the United States. Youngest commissioner at age 50. Ambitious politician seeking national profile.
Conflict: Secretly fed Commission proceedings to FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover[15][16][44]. Later altered the autopsy description of JFK's back wound[15][16] — moving it higher to "the base of the back of his neck" — to bolster the single-bullet theory.
Richard B. Russell Jr.
U.S. Senator (D-Georgia)
Powerful Senate Armed Services Committee chairman. Longtime Johnson ally turned reluctant participant. Conservative Democratic elder statesman.
Dissenter: Privately rejected the single-bullet theory. Told the Washington Post in 1970[27][33] that Kennedy was the victim of a conspiracy and that "we weren't told the truth about Oswald."
Hale Boggs
U.S. Representative (D-Louisiana)
House Majority Whip. Senior Democratic leader from the Deep South. Later became House Majority Leader before dying in a 1972 plane crash in Alaska.
Dissenter: Unpersuaded by the single-bullet theory. Criticized the dominating influence of FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover[31] over the Commission's evidence pipeline.
John Sherman Cooper
U.S. Senator (R-Kentucky)
Former U.S. Ambassador to India and East Germany. Moderate Republican internationalist with deep foreign policy experience.
Dissenter: Found the ballistic findings "unconvincing."[27][33] Privately told Attorney General Robert Kennedy and Senator Ted Kennedy that he strongly felt Oswald had not acted alone.
John J. McCloy
Former President, World Bank
Called "the most influential private citizen in America."[34][35] Former Assistant Secretary of War, High Commissioner for Germany, World Bank President, Kennedy's chief arms control adviser. The quintessential "Establishment" man.
Initially skeptical of the lone-gunman theory, but a trip to Dallas with Allen Dulles "convinced" him. Brokered the final consensus language to prevent a minority dissenting report.

The Dulles Problem

No appointment was more consequential — or more suspicious — than Allen Dulles. Kennedy had fired Dulles from the CIA after the catastrophic Bay of Pigs invasion in April 1961[7][8]. Dulles bore a deep personal grudge; associates reported he developed "a strong dislike of Kennedy."[8][28] FACT

According to journalist Stephen Kinzer[10], Johnson appointed Dulles specifically so he could "coach" the Commission on how to interview CIA witnesses and what questions to ask — because both Johnson and Dulles were anxious to prevent the Commission from discovering Kennedy's secret anti-Castro assassination plots.[39] STRONG EVIDENCE

David Talbot's 2015 book The Devil's Chessboard[8][9] makes an extensive case that Dulles used his position to steer the investigation away from any CIA connections, drawing on declassified documents, intelligence sources, and interviews with children of CIA officials. THEORETICAL

A 2014 release of a CIA Chief Historian's report revealed[3][26] that CIA Director John McCone was complicit in a "benign cover-up," providing only "passive, reactive, and selective" assistance to the Commission and keeping it focused on the lone-gunman conclusion. STRONG EVIDENCE See also: Report 08 — CIA Connections

The Ford Problem

Documents released in 1997 revealed that Gerald Ford had changed[15][16] the Commission's draft language describing where the bullet entered Kennedy's body. The original text read: "A bullet had entered his back at a point slightly below the shoulder to the right of the spine." Ford changed this to: "A bullet had entered the base of the back of his neck slightly to the right of his spine." FACT

This seemingly small edit — moving the wound several inches upward from the back to the neck — was critical: it made the single-bullet trajectory geometrically possible. When confronted in 1997, Ford said the change was made "only in an attempt to be more precise."[15] Researcher Robert Morningstar called it "the most significant lie in the whole Warren Commission report." STRONG EVIDENCE

Section

3. How They Investigated

The Warren Commission operated for roughly ten months, from December 1963 to September 1964. It heard testimony from 552 witnesses and compiled 26 volumes[2][43] of hearings and exhibits totaling some 17,000 pages. The final report, delivered to President Johnson on September 24, 1964, ran 888 pages.[42][43] FACT

Methodology: Evaluate, Not Investigate

Chief Justice Warren's planned approach was to evaluate evidence rather than gather it — a distinction that would prove fatal to the Commission's credibility. By design, the Commission relied on reports from the FBI, Secret Service[2][33], Department of State, and the Attorney General of Texas, then requested additional information as needed. FACT

The Warren Commission, by decision of Earl Warren, refused to hire its own independent investigators. This played directly into the hands of senior intelligence officials. — Historical assessment of the Commission's methodology

This meant the agencies being implicitly investigated — the FBI for its failure to monitor Oswald, the CIA for its potential connections to him, the Secret Service for its failure to protect the President — were the same agencies providing the evidence on which the Commission's conclusions would rest. STRONG EVIDENCE

What They Examined

What They Did NOT Examine

Time Pressure

The Commission operated under intense political pressure to conclude its work before the 1964 presidential election. Johnson needed the assassination resolved so it would not become a campaign issue. This compressed timeline — roughly ten months for the most consequential criminal investigation in American history — meant that many leads were left unpursued and many questions unasked. STRONG EVIDENCE

4. The Official Conclusions

The Warren Commission delivered its report to President Johnson on September 24, 1964[2][42]. Its principal findings were:

Finding Assessment Status
Three shots were fired from the sixth floor of the Texas School Book Depository Three spent cartridges found at the scene; most earwitnesses reported three shots STRONG EVIDENCE
Lee Harvey Oswald fired all three shots Rifle matched to Oswald; his prints on the weapon; eyewitness Howard Brennan STRONG EVIDENCE
Oswald acted entirely alone — no conspiracy, domestic or foreign Investigated with significant blind spots; contradicted by HSCA in 1979 SPECULATIVE
One bullet (CE 399) caused all non-fatal wounds to both Kennedy and Connally The "single-bullet theory" — three commissioners privately disagreed THEORETICAL
One bullet caused the fatal head wound Zapruder frame 313; generally accepted STRONG EVIDENCE
One bullet missed entirely Required by the three-cartridge count; timing debated STRONG EVIDENCE
Jack Ruby acted alone in killing Oswald, with no connection to a conspiracy Ruby's organized-crime connections extensively documented since SPECULATIVE
The Secret Service, FBI, and Dallas Police all failed in their duties Multiple systemic failures documented FACT

The Illusion of Unanimity

The report was presented as unanimous — but it nearly was not. In the final session on September 18, 1964, Senator Russell led a group of three commissioners[27][33] (Russell, Cooper, and Boggs) who disputed the single-bullet theory and wanted to file a separate dissent. Warren insisted on unanimity, arguing a split report would undermine public confidence. After minor wording changes, the dissenters relented — but their agreement was reluctant at best. STRONG EVIDENCE

I don't believe it, and I don't believe it now[27]. No one has ever been able to show me how one bullet could have done all that damage. — Senator Richard B. Russell, in a 1970 Washington Post interview

5. The Single-Bullet Theory (CE 399)

No element of the Warren Commission's work has been more debated than the single-bullet theory — and none was more essential to its lone-gunman conclusion. See also: Report 04 — Ballistic Evidence

Why the Theory Was Necessary

The Zapruder film analysis, combined with FBI testing of Oswald's Mannlicher-Carcano rifle, established that the weapon could not be accurately fired twice in under 2.3 seconds (42 Zapruder frames)[11][12]. If Kennedy and Connally were hit by separate bullets within that window, a second gunman was mathematically required — and therefore a conspiracy. The single-bullet theory was the only way to reconcile the physical evidence with a lone assassin. FACT

What the Theory Claims

The theory, developed primarily by assistant counsel Arlen Specter[11][32][36] (later a U.S. Senator from Pennsylvania), posits that a single bullet — Commission Exhibit 399:

  1. Entered Kennedy's upper back (or "base of the back of his neck," per Ford's edit)
  2. Traveled through soft tissue and exited his throat below the Adam's apple
  3. Entered Governor Connally's back on the right side
  4. Traveled through his chest, collapsing a lung, and exited below his right nipple
  5. Struck and shattered his right wrist
  6. Embedded in his left thigh
  7. Was later found on a hospital stretcher in nearly pristine condition

That is seven entry and exit wounds across two men from a single 6.5mm bullet.[11][12] FACT

The Problems

The "Pristine" Bullet: CE 399 was found in remarkably good condition[13][14] — virtually undamaged, with no blood or tissue on it. Critics argue its appearance is "consistent with having been fired through the rifle into water or cotton, recovered, and then planted." STRONG EVIDENCE

Fragment Accounting: A serious question exists as to whether the minimal amount of lead missing from CE 399's base can account for the fragments left behind in Kennedy and Connally. Some analyses suggest more lead was found in the victims than is missing from the bullet.[13][14] STRONG EVIDENCE

The Wound Location: Kennedy's shirt and jacket show bullet holes several inches below the collar line[14][15] — in the back, not the neck. The original autopsy face sheet marked the wound in the back. Multiple Parkland Hospital doctors initially described the throat wound as an entrance, not an exit. Gerald Ford's language change from "back" to "neck" was apparently necessary to make the trajectory geometrically viable from the sixth-floor window. STRONG EVIDENCE

Chain of Custody: The bullet's discovery was problematic. Hospital engineer Darrell Tomlinson found CE 399[12][41], but when pressed by Arlen Specter to confirm it came from Connally's stretcher specifically, Tomlinson refused to do so. The chain of custody has never been definitively established. STRONG EVIDENCE

Internal Dissent: Three of seven commissioners — Russell, Cooper, and Boggs — found the theory unpersuasive. Even Attorney General Robert Kennedy reportedly called the Warren Report "a shoddy piece of craftsmanship."[38] FACT

In the Theory's Defense

Modern computer modeling, including work by Dale Myers[11][41] using 3D animation, has demonstrated that the bullet trajectory is geometrically possible given the positions of Kennedy and Connally in the limousine — Connally was seated on a jump seat inboard and below Kennedy, making a straight-line path more plausible than the "zigzag" critics describe. Some forensic experts argue that a fully copper-jacketed military bullet could survive the described transit, particularly if it was tumbling when it struck Connally. THEORETICAL

Section

6. Systemic Failures of the Investigation

Reliance on FBI and CIA

The Commission's dependence on the FBI and CIA for evidence — the agencies with the most to lose from a finding of conspiracy or negligence — was identified as its fundamental structural failure by every subsequent investigation. STRONG EVIDENCE

The FBI and CIA interpreted their obligation narrowly: they would respond only to specific requests from the Commission, volunteering nothing. The House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA) later found that even this limited role was performed deficiently[17][19] — both agencies withheld information that was directly relevant to the investigation. FACT

The Church Committee Findings (1975)

The Senate's Church Committee, investigating intelligence abuses[18], concluded that both the FBI and CIA had "failed in their duties and responsibilities" to the Warren Commission and that the assassination investigation had been "flawed." The Committee documented that the CIA had concealed its anti-Castro assassination plots from the Commission entirely — plots that provided a potential motive for Cuban retaliation against Kennedy. FACT

The HSCA Findings (1976-1979)

The House Select Committee on Assassinations conducted its own four-year investigation and reached dramatically different conclusions from the Warren Commission:

The CIA's "Benign Cover-Up"

A CIA Chief Historian's report, released in 2014, confirmed that CIA Director John McCone[3][26] had engaged in a "benign cover-up" — providing only "passive, reactive, and selective" assistance to the Warren Commission and deliberately keeping it focused on the lone-gunman conclusion. The report acknowledged that the CIA may have covered up evidence of being in communication with Oswald before 1963. STRONG EVIDENCE See also: Report 08 — CIA Connections

7. The Critics Who Challenged the Report

Almost immediately after the Warren Report's release in September 1964, a cadre of independent researchers began systematically dismantling its conclusions. These "first-generation critics" — working without institutional support, often self-publishing — laid the groundwork for all subsequent JFK assassination research.

The Founding Critics

Mark Lane
Attorney, Author
Rush to Judgment (1966)[38] — the first bestselling critique of the Warren Report. Lane argued that Oswald did not assassinate Kennedy and that the Commission had intentionally ignored evidence contradicting its anticonspiracy bias. Lane had first testified before the Commission as Oswald's self-appointed defense attorney, arguing that the dead man deserved representation.
Edward Jay Epstein
Cornell University (graduate thesis)
Inquest: The Warren Commission and the Establishment of Truth (1966)[33] — originated as Epstein's master's thesis. Challenged the single-bullet and lone-gunman theories and documented the internal political dynamics that shaped the Commission's conclusions. The academic rigor of his approach gave early criticism institutional credibility.
Harold Weisberg
Former Senate Investigator, Journalist
Whitewash: The Report on the Warren Report (1965)[30] — self-published after being rejected by mainstream publishers, it sold over 30,000 copies. Weisberg spent decades filing FOIA requests, accumulating a massive archive of government documents. His persistence in obtaining classified records through legal channels was instrumental to later research.
Sylvia Meagher
World Health Organization Analyst
Subject Index to the Warren Report[29][37] and Hearings and Exhibits (1965) — the essential research tool that made the Commission's 26 disorganized volumes navigable. Then Accessories After the Fact (1967), which the Sunday Times called "the best documented and most damning of any attacks on the Warren Report yet." Meagher's method was devastating in its simplicity: she used only the Commission's own words and documents to demonstrate that the evidence created reasonable doubt of Oswald's guilt.
Vincent Salandria
Philadelphia Attorney
Published some of the earliest legal analyses of the Warren Report in Liberation and The Minority of One magazines in 1964-1965. One of the first critics to identify problems with the medical evidence and wound trajectories.

Impact of Early Criticism

New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison "freely acknowledged[38] his debt to the work of the critics, in particular that of Mark Lane, Harold Weisberg, and Edward J. Epstein" when he launched his controversial prosecution of Clay Shaw in 1967 — the only criminal trial ever held in connection with the Kennedy assassination. FACT See also: Report 13 — The Garrison Investigation

The first-generation critics, as historian Richard Popkin noted, "did little more than raise questions that the Warren Commission had left unanswered." But those unanswered questions proved devastating to public confidence. By 1967, polls showed a majority of Americans doubted the Commission's findings[5][42] — a number that has never recovered. STRONG EVIDENCE

8. What the Commission Got Right

Six decades of scrutiny, multiple reinvestigations, and millions of pages of declassified documents have not overturned several core Warren Commission findings. Intellectual honesty requires acknowledging where the evidence has held up:

Finding Subsequent Verification Status
Oswald owned and possessed the Mannlicher-Carcano rifle Handwriting experts verified the order form[2][40], PO Box application, and other documents across multiple independent panels FACT
All recovered projectiles came from Oswald's rifle The stretcher bullet, limousine fragments, and three cartridge casings all matched[17][40] to the exclusion of all other weapons — confirmed by HSCA firearms panel FACT
Two bullets struck Kennedy from above and behind A nine-doctor pathology panel corroborated this finding[17], though they criticized the original autopsy's methodology STRONG EVIDENCE
Oswald killed Officer J.D. Tippit Multiple eyewitnesses, ballistic match to Oswald's revolver, confirmed by HSCA[17][40] FACT
Oswald was on the sixth floor of the TSBD that day His fingerprints and palm print on the rifle and boxes in the sniper's nest; witnesses placed him there FACT
Federal agencies failed catastrophically in their protective duties Confirmed and expanded upon by every subsequent investigation FACT

The critical distinction: the Warren Commission's findings about what Oswald did have largely survived scrutiny. Its finding about whether he acted alone — the no-conspiracy conclusion — is where the evidence has eroded most dramatically. The Commission's failures were primarily failures of omission: not what it found, but what it declined to investigate. STRONG EVIDENCE

9. The Sealed Evidence and Its Release

The Warren Commission's records were initially sealed until 2039[1][5] — 75 years after the assassination. This extraordinary decision fueled conspiracy theories for decades: what could be so sensitive that the American public could not see it for three-quarters of a century? FACT

1964
Warren Commission report released. Supporting volumes of testimony and exhibits published. Underlying classified records sealed until 2039.
1992
Oliver Stone's JFK (1991) triggers public outrage over sealed records. Congress passes the President John F. Kennedy Assassination Records Collection Act[25], mandating release of all assassination-related records. By year's end, 98% of Warren Commission records are released.
1994-1998
The Assassination Records Review Board (ARRB) operates[20], reviewing and releasing millions of pages of records from the CIA, FBI, Secret Service, and other agencies. All Warren Commission records released except those containing tax return information, though with redactions.
2017-2018
President Trump orders release of remaining JFK files per the 1992 Act's 25-year deadline. Agencies obtain postponements for thousands of documents citing national security.
2022-2023
President Biden directs agencies to review remaining redactions. Between April and June 2023, NARA posts 2,672 documents with newly released information[21]. NARA announces 99% of material is now publicly available. However, 4,684 documents remain "fully or partially withheld."
January 23, 2025
President Trump signs Executive Order 14176[23][24], ordering full and complete release of all records related to the assassinations of JFK, RFK, and Martin Luther King Jr. DNI and AG directed to present a release plan.
March-April 2025
JFK assassination records released without redactions per Trump's directive. Some records contain personal identification of living individuals. 704 pages (207 PDF files) released April 3, 2025[22].
January 30, 2026
Additional release of 11,022 pages (140 PDF files)[22]. Records available online at archives.gov/jfk and in person at the National Archives in College Park, MD.

The very fact that it took over 60 years, multiple Congressional acts, and presidential executive orders to pry these records from intelligence agencies tells its own story about the relationship between the Warren Commission and the agencies it was supposed to be investigating. STRONG EVIDENCE

Section

10. Modern Reassessments

The Warren Commission's work has been reassessed by every generation, with each major review shifting the consensus further from its original conclusions while confirming selected elements of its forensic work.

The Evolving Verdict

Body Year Conclusion
Warren Commission 1964 Oswald acted alone. No conspiracy of any kind.
Clark Panel (Medical) 1968 Confirmed two shots from above/behind; criticized autopsy methodology.
Rockefeller Commission 1975 No CIA involvement found, but acknowledged CIA had withheld information.
Church Committee 1975-1976 FBI and CIA failed in their duties; investigation was "flawed."
HSCA 1979 "High probability" of a second gunman. Kennedy "probably assassinated as a result of a conspiracy."
National Academy of Sciences 1982 Disputed HSCA's acoustic evidence (the basis for the second-gunman finding).
ARRB 1994-1998 Not a reinvestigation but released millions of pages of previously classified records.

Where Scholars Stand Today

Modern historical assessment generally holds that:

Public Opinion

American public opinion has never recovered from its initial skepticism of the Warren Report. Polling consistently shows that 60-70% of Americans believe[5][45] Kennedy's assassination involved a conspiracy. The Commission's goal — to definitively settle the question and restore public confidence — was, by this measure, a categorical failure. FACT

11. Connections to Other Reports

The Warren Commission's work — and its failures — threads through every subsequent report in this investigation:

Key Researchers

Edward Jay Epstein
Author, Journalist — Cornell University (thesis)
Pioneered the academic critique of the Warren Commission with Inquest (1966). Later works include Legend: The Secret World of Lee Harvey Oswald (1978) and The JFK Assassination Diary (2013).
Sylvia Meagher
World Health Organization — Independent Researcher
Created the essential Subject Index (1965) and authored Accessories After the Fact (1967), the definitive document-based critique of the Warren Report.
David Talbot
Journalist, Founder of Salon.com
Brothers: The Hidden History of the Kennedy Years (2007) and The Devil's Chessboard (2015) — the most extensive investigation of Allen Dulles's role and potential CIA involvement.
Stephen Kinzer
Journalist, Author — Brown University
Author of The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (2013), documenting the Dulles brothers' covert operations and their relationship to the Kennedy administration.
Harold Weisberg
Independent Researcher — Former Senate Investigator
Author of the Whitewash series (1965-1974). Amassed one of the largest private archives of FOIA-obtained assassination documents, later donated to Hood College.
Mark Lane
Attorney, Author
Rush to Judgment (1966) — the first bestselling Warren Commission critique. Testified before the Commission as Oswald's self-appointed advocate. Later authored Last Word: My Indictment of the CIA in the Murder of JFK (2011).
Mary Ferrell
Independent Researcher — Mary Ferrell Foundation
Spent decades compiling what became the largest private collection of JFK assassination documents. The Mary Ferrell Foundation (maryferrell.org) remains the premier online archive of assassination research materials.
Philip Shenon
Journalist — Former New York Times
A Cruel and Shocking Act: The Secret History of the Kennedy Assassination (2013) — a modern reassessment drawing on interviews with surviving Commission staff members.

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  8. A CIA Tie to JFK Assassination? David Talbot on Allen Dulles — Democracy Now!
  9. David Talbot on Allen Dulles — Andrea Mitchell Center, University of Pennsylvania
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  14. The Magic Bullet: Even More Magical Than We Knew — History Matters
  15. Ford's Editing Backed 'Single Bullet' Theory — The Washington Post (1997)
  16. Gerald Ford's Role in the JFK Assassination Cover-up — Crime Magazine
  17. House Select Committee on Assassinations — Wikipedia
  18. Church Committee — Wikipedia
  19. HSCA Vol. 11: Relationship Between the Warren Commission and the FBI/CIA (PDF)
  20. Final Report of the Assassination Records Review Board, Chapter 1
  21. JFK Assassination Records — 2023 Documents Release — National Archives
  22. JFK Assassination Records — 2025 Documents Release — National Archives
  23. Fact Sheet: President Trump Orders Declassification — The White House (2025)
  24. Executive Order 14176 — Wikipedia
  25. JFK Assassination Records Collection Act of 1992 — Wikipedia
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JFK Assassination Investigation — Report 01 of 15
Research compiled 2026-04-05  •  Next: Report 02 — The Assassination